Richards, I. Schmidt Mackey, W.
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General Chronology of Nazi Violence
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Disclaimer:A copy that has been read, but remains in clean condition. All pages are intact, and the cover is intact. The spine may show signs of wear. Pages can include limited notes and highlighting, and the copy can include previous owner inscriptions As New. Disclaimer:An apparently unread copy in perfect condition. Dust cover is intact; pages are clean and are not marred by notes or folds of any kind. During , 12 children 8 boys and 4 girls were taken to Spiegelgrund, none of whom survived. The commission relied on suggestions prepared by Schicker but examined the children individually and took a decision in each case.
Among a group of 50 children whom the director deemed unfit for school and wanted to keep in Gugging, the committee found 18 who in their opinion warranted further pedagogical efforts.
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In all, 59 of children evaluated by the commission died at Spiegelgrund before the end of the war, a death rate of Was the commission in a position to save at least some of the children had they wanted to? Due to the limited sources available, this question cannot be answered conclusively. What can be shown, however, is that at least in some cases their families wanted to take them into their care but were not permitted to do so by the authorities. He was deaf-mute from his birth in His case file mentions hydrocephaly and severe mental disability.
Although he could not attend school, there was hope he might be able to improve his physical abilities to perform simple tasks. He was described as lively and sociable. The requests were denied on all three occasions, the last under the pretext that further examinations were necessary. On 20 May , Engelbert was transferred to Spiegelgrund, where he died on 8 November.
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In this case, it seems that Asperger was a well-functioning cog in a deadly machine. In his publications, Asperger projected an image of himself as benevolent, optimistic, and affectionate towards the children in his care—a characterization echoed in the biographical literature.
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While there is little doubt that he was passionate about his work and genuinely cared about many of his patients, in the context of this paper, we must ask whether this positive attitude extended to those children who did not offer hopes of future development or who defied attempts to educate or discipline them. The following analysis focuses on the remaining 40 children 12 girls, 28 boys , who survived Spiegelgrund and were later transferred to other institutions or discharged.
Unlike with Herta and Elisabeth Schreiber, in the 14 cases in question, there is no indication that Asperger expected the children he recommended for transferal to Spiegelgrund explicitly or by suggestion to be killed there. The conditions of these 14 children appear not to have been so severe as to make them targets for extermination, although sending them to Spiegelgrund nevertheless put them at considerable risk. The senior staff at Spiegelgrund who were the authors or signatories of the medical reports analyzed here were committed Nazis and race hygienists.
Against this background, any systematic bias Asperger might have had in favor of his patients would have to be visible in this sample. And yet, out of these 30 cases, there are only 2 in which Asperger appears to judge the children less harshly than his peers at Spiegelgrund. In 16 or just over half of the cases, Asperger and the diagnosticians at Spiegelgrund came to comparable conclusions. In the remaining 12, Asperger took a more negative and in some instances an outright disparaging view of his patients. Gerald St.
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Gross now described the boy as emotionally responsive, cheerful, and excitable. Gerald was initially described in similar terms by Asperger and at Spiegelgrund. Leo A. Born in April to a single mother, Leo was placed in foster care immediately after his birth. At age four, Leo was an intelligent but difficult child. He suffered from fits of rage and was accused of cruelty towards animals.
The case of year-old Johann K. As mentioned, of these 30 cases, there are only 2 in which Asperger appears to have taken a more positive position than his peers at Spiegelgrund: In November , he saw 6-year-old Johann T. It is hardly surprising then that Johann did not make much progress over the next years. The second case is similarly inconclusive.
In October , Asperger saw the year-old Hildegard P. For Hildegard, it meant the difference between freedom and confinement to a reformatory. In one regard, however, Asperger did show a certain restraint. Apart from this qualification, the sample yields no evidence that Asperger proved more benevolent towards his patients than his peers at Spiegelgrund when labeling children with diagnoses that could have an enormous impact on their future—quite the opposite.
Like many of his colleagues, Asperger had a marked tendency to separate children from their families—which he often considered dysfunctional—and to commit them to closed institutions.
beta.cmnv.org/everything-counts-52-remarkable-ways-to.php Of course, many children were exposed to violence or neglect at home, and institutional education in principle could have been a means of protecting them. In practice, though perhaps despite his best intentions, this meant that he regularly sent minors to institutions ripe with abuse and violence [ 89 ]. Asperger briefly mentioned his war experiences in his interview:. It is good that a man knows how he behaves in mortal danger, with the bullets whistling. It is also a proving ground.
And a ground where one has to care for others. It is also a great gift from destiny that I never had to gun anybody down [ 3 ]. This distinction allowed Asperger to emerge with a clean slate under the Austrian implementation of denazification since he had never joined the NSDAP. In , he moved to Innsbruck, where he headed the local university pediatric clinic until when he was formally appointed as Chair of the Vienna Pediatric Clinic, the most prestigious position in Austrian pediatrics. According to some, Asperger in risked his life to speak out against the threat that race hygiene ideology posed to the children in his care.
In , while explicitly addressing the war in a speech summarizing his intellectual legacy, he did not care to mention National Socialism, its millions of victims, or even the hundreds of children, some of them his patients, who had been killed practically under his eyes. At least in Austria, he dominated the field for decades, curtailed only by competition from the emerging discipline of youth psychiatry. On a conceptual level, he saw his main opponents in the representatives of psychoanalysis and related theories focusing on dynamic psychological processes and childhood experiences [ 76 ]: 2—3, , and numerous other passages.
In principle, he also distanced himself from the genetic determinism typical of Nazi race hygiene, at least to the extent necessary to claim a space for his own discipline and its therapeutic options [ 76 ]: It is hardly surprising, then, that he would refer to his work as a heroic and often hopeless fight against the terrible odds of constitutional deficiencies of all kinds [ 76 ]: —5. Despite his emphasis on heredity and constitution, he mostly avoided explicit references to eugenics, which due to its association with Nazi crimes had become discredited in mainstream scientific discourse, at least in Austria and Germany.
Multiple studies, above all in Germany, have shown that these families procreate in numbers clearly above the average, especially in the cities. It is clear that this fact presents a very serious eugenic problem, a solution to which is far off—all the more, since the eugenic policies of the recent past have turned out to be unacceptable from a human standpoint [ 76 ] One troubling consequence arising from this approach is how Asperger regarded the sexual abuse of children.
In a similar vein, Asperger rejected the possibility that constitutionally healthy children could suffer from war-related trauma.